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Still, we write these things mostly without giving it another thought, we just follow the practice, I think.
I was making them into people that ‘we’, academics, consider important.
And I did actually consider writing things such as: Appeared very unhappy, cried during the interview, never smiled, says his daughter loves him.
And so, what is quite hotly contested in suicide research is rendered as an obvious and major flaw of the assessed piece of research. I doubt it very much, the critique followed a particular practice of psychological writing in which you simply give certain information, probably also without much reflection.
I wish I could simply write it was nonsense, but I am not certain it is – I’ll come to it below.
And yet, my informant noticed it and said something like “We’re finishing, aren’t we? It took quite a number of apologies and assurances that we were not finishing and we had all the time we needed.
I think the man relaxed after about 10-15 minutes, but I am not entirely sure.All were or had been (three were divorced) in stable relationships with female partners (usually, wives).I am pleased to say that I actually did ask myself at the time why those characteristics, but the answer was too difficult to consider in the book was and it has remained elusive.The only response I could come up with was: because this is what I am expected to do.These are the ‘little’ demographics ‘one offers’ and, I suppose, it makes some sense, especially in view of both masculinity research, depression research and probably some other.The question came out of the blue and I was so taken aback that just about half the interview was gone before I did.Or perhaps I should describe the person by what I did?I remember a moment in one of the interviews when I looked at my watch.It was automatic, I just wanted to keep track of time.Today I want to write about assumptions we make in our research.As we describe our research, particularly its methodology, we often make a series of assumptions underlying it.